Tuesday, 30 October 2012

Final Thoughts



Before starting People Knowledge and Management, I had a strong interest in ideology and politics, in the power of the online social networking phenomenon to instigate change, and the civil, digital and privacy rights movements.

I made the decision to take this course with the intention of possibly learning about maybe one or two of these areas of interest to me, maybe connecting a few of the dots along the line. The chance this course was offering me to explore such relationships was a very appealing one, and arguably the main reason I decided to take up the course.
 
What I’ve gained over the past semester through  our weekly readings and topics is a broad theoretical and meta-theoretical engagement with a multitude of philosophies and ideas. But it has also allowed me to visit every area of interest I had hoped to look into.

I've been able to cover great meta-theoretical philosophers, like the ever salient theories of Foucault and or the extremely convoluted ontology of Zizek.

I've been introduced to new thinkers like Barlow and Dervin that have opened up (but also confused) a whole new world for me.

I've been able to bring my own knowledge and experience into the course - and have subsequently had the pleasure of introducing Christakis and Fowler, Julian Assange and even my favorite rapper and all time hero, Robert Foster. 

But beyond all of all this, what People, Information and Knowledge has allowed me do is weave web of connections between all these thinkers and theoreticians. This course has allowed me to tie all of this together in a way that significantly broadens my understanding of how information, knowledge, society, and the people within them function. 

But I don't mean to say this is the end. Quite the contrary. I have more questions now then before I begun the course:

What is the ontological and epistemological underpinning of the Social Network theories?

Can a certain type of new ideology be employed to dismantle networks that are characterised as a conspiracy?

Furthermore, is it possible to create an ideology, that will counter a network’s tendency to be exclusionary, to  function for its own interests as a super organism?

How can Social Network theory be employed to empower marginalised networks characterised by a small world dynamic?

And furthermore, to what extent is the purpose of libraries to provide members of a marginalised network social mobility?

Is it enough to provide social mobility to such people or must libraries also take on a critically pedagogical approach to ensure a chance for marginalised people to change the tide of dominant discourses within society?

And I could go on and on.

In a way it's funny, I started my life at uni studying psyhchology, as a very isolated and melancholy student. I was very instrospective back then and made little contact with others. Now I begin my Masters with full knowledge of the importance of social networks in changing the very fabric of society. I hope, more than anything, that this course will allow me to build networks that will help me pursue such questions.

Ultimately, I believe that the People, Information and Knowledge course has allowed me to develop a robust intellectual framework to approach my future studies and I am grateful to have had the privilege of taking on this course.

Monday, 29 October 2012

PIK Week 13 – Research and the Reflective Practitioner



I’d like to begin this week’s Journal with the Haynes reading. Hayes challenges the view (proported by Hernon) that there is a clear distinction between assessment (the process of gathering data) and evaluation which is traditionally done during the final stages, where data is interpreted. She argues that the entire process of needs assessment, planning, service provision, assessment and analysis are predicated on underlying value judgements and that such judgements strongly affect the nature of the research. Her article focuses on evaluative research focused on service provision in the Libraries services area. She identifies that there is a gulf between the ideas and research that dominate library and information studies and the research that libraries conduct for themselves.

Haynes criticises the Gap model used to measure differences between perceptions of a service and various other dimensions (e.g. expectations of ideal service, importance of service attributes, etc.). It is a model that compares a service with what users want, however (as Haynes argues) it does not account for the social role or needs of its users. She argues that service quality can be determined not only in relation to what users say they would like, but what the whole potential user community would most benefit from. She stresses that evaluation must engage in dialog that will allow a library’s mission statements and objects to evolve in response to the changing needs of the community and their users.

I think this is an extremely important approach. Libraries in my own area (Western Sydney) have a range for very successful English conversation classes for people of migrant and refugee backgrounds. A Library evaluation policy that constantly strives to engage in dialogue with their communities to determine organisational goals dynamically and according to the changing and developing needs of their users is essential to ensuring its role as an effective service provider to the community. Furthermore, to what extent should libraries today be solely focusing towards alleviating information poverty, to enable disconnected people and groups to build social mobility, bridge the digital divide, and alleviate Castells’ ‘fourth world’ phenomenon?

I believe the function of libraries are fast becoming centres that don’t simply allow access to information resources, but are centres that strengthen, include and empower disaffected and disconnected community groups. Again, Aleph Molinari’s ‘Learning and Innovation Centre’ is a perfect model with which modern Libraries can pursue to fulfil the information needs and the social needs of its users and communities.
There is the ideological argument here against this role for libraries however. That is, to what extent will library services (in its attempt to build social mobility and inclusiveness) be informed by the overarching dominant ideology that it functions under (or from an Assangian perspective, to what extent will librarians be conspirators colluding with larger more powerful conspiratory systems?) Isn’t the attempt to ‘educate’ community groups who are insulated by their own small worlds, merely an attempt to hegemonise them into the over-arching ideological system? 

This problem can be dealt with an educative approach called critical pedagogy which rests its theoretical basis on the philosophies of Paulo Freire. The short video below outlines the critical pedagogical approach.





This video is a longer interview with Paulo Freire who has some interesting things to say:








I’ve seen a similar approach in my own professional practice earlier in my career. Westside is an ongoing writing and publication project that I’ve been involved in since its inception. It is a project that was initiated by BYDS (a community arts services hub based in Bankstown) in 1998.

It was one the first publications to have officially recognise my literary work as a teenager. The Chief Editor of the publication Michael Mohammed Ahmad was published in the first series. He has transformed the series from a set of yearly magazines that published the writings of teenagers in the Bankstown region into a publishing house with the purpose of recognising the voice of under-represented writers in the Western Sydney region, sourcing and educating hundreds of writers from the region with various literary programs and creating a network of established and emerging writers. Westside has conducted countless projects that have empowered the often misrepresented and disadvantaged communities of Western Sydney. Its approach to improving literacy in Western Sydney can be characterised as one with a strong concern for how dominant ideologies and discourses function to disaffect the subpopulations of the region.
Hague argues that library evaluation systems remain systems centred with a focused on quantitative tools and believes that a mixed method that will supplement quantitative research methods with user centred qualitative approaches which consider users’ social contexts. This is why the evaluative approach she suggests is an important one. It allows practitioners to be aware of the ideological assumptions behind their evaluation of library services and allows them to shape their services in a way that empowers their users with the tools and resources to shape and dictate discourse according to the users own values and ideological background (an approach of critical pedagogy).

Wang’s Photovoice method is an excellent qualitative method that can be used to establish an important dialogical approach to dynamically shape organisational goals. Having moved on to this reading after the Hague reading, I was surprised that it was also an approach that is informed by Freire philosophy. It allows people within the community to record and reflect on their community’s strengths and concerns through photography, promotes critical dialogue about important issues through group discussions of photographs and allows them to reach policy makers. The method has several strengths. 

·         It accounts for a fundamental problem of needs assessment – that what researchers think is important may neglect what the community thinks is important.
·         It uses a visual medium that can overcome barriers of language and is thus a robust form of communication.
·         It allows the sampling of different social and behavioural settings from the perspective of the user.
·         The method itself can sustain community participation during the process of needs assessment and program implementation. Photovoice itself can build network connections and dialogue with researchers. The process itself provides tangible and immediate benefits to people and their social networks through the dissemination of photographs.
·         It allows the target community/users to reaffirm or redefine program goals during the period when community needs are being assessed through interaction with curious community members.
·         It allows an opportunity for participants to bring explanations, ideas and stories of people within their community network into the assessment process.
·         Allows participants to photograph not only their community’s needs, but also their strengths.


Participants select photographs that most accurately reflect a community’s needs and assets, tell stories about the meaning of the photographs and organise them into categories based on issues or themes. Such a participatory assessment process unveils real local needs sourced by the target users/community themselves. Wang’s focus in the paper revolved around a case study of rural Chinese Women, however it is easy to see how this method can be appropriated in a variety of contexts, especially online where programs like Instagram and crowd sourcing have become commonplace.
I’d like to move on to the final reading for this week, Haythornthwaite’s paper on Social Network Analysis, which is an approach (as Christakis’ and Fowlers research shows) with very important ramifications for understanding the broad scale social phenomena of today’s world. 

The approach examines both the content (contagion) and the pattern of relationships (topology) in order to determine how and what resources flow from one actor to another. The approach identifies relationships and network structure before it goes about labelling groups. It then goes on to analyse the dynamism between the dyad by trying to understand the rules and codes that govern information transfer. Furthermore, Haythornthwaite states that relationships can be characterised by their content (or contagion). My earlier post (PIK Week 7.5) on Christakis examines the functionality of social networks and the rules that govern them in more detail.

Haythornthwaite visits some aspect of networks that I don’t feel like I’ve covered in my previous post:

·         Direction characterises the which way information flows – It can be:
o    Asymmetrical (e.g. boss to worker)
o    Undirected – which is more complex and dialogical in nature.

·         Strength refers to the intensity of a relationship or the frequency with which contagion is exchanged.

·         Strength Ties describes the resilience between two actors. It is dependent on contextual factors, like surrounding network topology, contact frequency, duration of associations, reciprocity, intimacy and kinship.

Haythornthwaite also covers five network principles to examine the relational properties of a network:

·         Cohesion -  grouping actors according to strong common relationships with each other (characterised by density and centralization [no. of connections] in a sociograph)
·         Structural equivalence – grouping actors based on their similarity in relation to others (characterised as having identical ties to and from all other actors in the network in a sociograph)
·         Prominence – indicating who is in power (characterised by centrality in a sociograph)
·         Range – indicating the extent of an actor’s network (and their subsequent influence)
·         Brokerage – indicating bridging connections to other networks (characterised by singular nodes in between two different networks – These are the connections Assange proposes need to be targeted to dismantle an organisation)

This approach is, in my opinion, is a very powerful method of understanding how broad ranging communities function and will most likely hold a lot of sway in the information science in the next few years as computer networking analysis technologies and big data develop. It is an approach that identifies power relations within a network, and such an approach is fundamental when trying to understand information and people’s relationship to it.


It would be interesting to look into the meta-theoretical and ontological underpinnings of Social Network though I don't have the time to look into it here. I do find social networking theories like Social Network Analysis, Actor Network Theory, and Christakis and Fowler's insights into social networking extremely influential however. I had begun this course with separate notions of how Ideology, power, and privacy/censorship functioned in the context of information and knowledge. My studies on Social Networking theory have truly allowed me to weave a web and seamlessly connect these seperate notions. Given a well developed ontological basis for these theories, I believe I will have a robust intellectual framework to approach my future studies. It will be an area that I will undoubtedly revisit and focus on later down the track.

References

Haynes, A. (2004) 'Bridging the Gulf: Mixed Methods and Library Service Evaluation'. Australian Library Journal 53 (3): 285-306
 
Haythornthwaite, Caroline (1996) Social Network Analysis: An Approach and Technique for the Study of Information Exchange. Library and Information Science Research V18 , 323-342.

Wang, C. and Burris, M. (1997). Photovoice: concept, methodology and use for participatory needs assessment. Health Education and Behaviour. 24(3): 369-387.

Friday, 26 October 2012

Power, Virtual networks and Privacy



Danah Boyd’s paper was specifically engaging for me because she focuses on the all important distinction between privacy and publicity. This issue is complex and is starting to become an extremely important one, as surveillance and monitoring technologies are fast beginning to develop in line with the expansiveness of the internet (thanks in no little part to the industrial surveillance complex). 

However, I’ll begin with the more subtle notions of privacy she raises first. She cites Helen Nissenbaum, who coined the term ‘contextual integrity’ as a way in which people effectively manage privacy. The networks that a person maintains in one context, doesn’t mean they wish to maintain the same networks in a different context. Dismantling contextual integrity (or rather, establishing links between the contacts of a person who don’t know each other) without permission is experienced as a violation of privacy.

Boyd also contests the traditional notion of ‘public’ and ‘private’ as a binary. To do away with this notion, she introduces the concept of trust in relation to privacy. She argues that it isn’t just people we hold accountable with the information we impart to them, we also hold the architecture of our networks accountable (the idea that there may be others listening in). This is where the serious issue of online privacy comes into play, because unlike a cafe where someone may or may not be listening in to your conversation, the internet is characterised by the persistence, searchability, replicability and scalability of the information you disseminate. Her argument is essentially one of security through obscurity – a very powerful argument indeed. 

Boyd argues that privacy is fundamentally about having control over how information flows. It is however, a very problematic area. Civil and digital rights group will champion the privacy rights of citizens in the country, yet are always (rather paradoxically) simultaneously arguing for freedom of speech rights and transparency as well. Why is it that the abstract notion of ‘citizens’ have a right to privacy, but the famous, or institutions and governmental organisations do not? Furthermore, doesn’t controlling the flow of information constitute censorship? How do the two (privacy and censorship) differ?

These questions became particularly salient to me after Alan Jones’ remarks (made privately at a public liberal party convention) about Julia Gillard’s father ‘dying of shame’ was leaked to a national newspaper. Alan Jones consequently received a significant backlash, particularly from an online Facebook group which successfully campaigned to stop advertising on 2GB. In this context, is it not hypocritical to argue that ‘Alan Jones had it coming’ but at the same time champion the rights of abstract citizens (of whom Alan Jones [despite the fact that I don’t think he’d pass the citizenship tests migrants are forced to take] would be considered one)?

Boyd in this situation would seemingly have a problem with Alan Jones’ comments being publicised as it constitutes a clear breach of privacy. As she states: “Just because something is publicly accessible does not mean that people want it to be publicised”. I’d like to contest this by making my own statement: Just because people don’t want something to be publicized, doesn’t mean it shouldn’t be publicized.

Boyd seems to be assuming here that the main perpetrator of publicisation are technology companies, she seems to miss the fact, that publicisation is occurring because people want to know – and publicity on the internet occurs as a direct result of online public interaction. Is this not precisely what we mean by ‘the public interest’ (as opposed to the paparazzi (which Boyd refers to a lot in her article) who dictate public interest)?

The very fact that some people are more public than others endows them in a position of privilege and power – it seems to me that publicisation is a convenient and emergent balancing mechanism to counteract the hierarchical structure that publicity entails. I would go so far as to argue that it is a fundamental property of the internet as a communicative medium. To try and limit the publicisation of information in this sense, would amount to the precise definition of censorship (and all its associated negative connotations). It is either a matter of censoring the information of precisely those within the network who are gaining positions of power, or allowing everyone to adjust to increased publicity (which Boyd concedes is what happens when people are faced with such changes).

Protecting the privacy of figures like Alan Jones, or Miley Cyrus (whom Boyd uses as an example in the article) seems to me to be precisely what we shouldn’t be doing. Holding such central positions within a network where such figures can be incredibly influential (like inciting racial hatred for the Jones, or setting a bad role model for young female children for Cyrus ) entails the responsibility to be scrutinized publicly at such a high level. It’s interesting to note here that both these figures have used traditional media to establish their fame, and both have suffered as a result of new media technologies. Arguably, public figures of the future will be much better informed about how they carry themselves privately, and the internet will be a place (given the absence of strict privacy/censorship laws that protect the privileged) where there will be many more pseudo-famous people who haven’t forged their positions of power through autocratic and asymmetrical communication mediums as today’s superstars have done.

Boyd asks a very important question however. She asks whose voice counts in a world where information is increasingly publicised. I can’t help but feel Boyd takes a terrible approach here. She argues that marginalized people (she cites stories of immigrants and Domestic Abuse victims) shouldn’t be expected to fight for their right to speak. She argues that most marginalised people aren’t comfortable speaking up in public nor are they likely to be heard. Yet isn’t this precisely the problem? Boyd seems to insinuate that censoring the stories and discourses of marginalised people will help insulate them from the consequences of public scrutiny, yet isn’t this the same exclusionary approach that causes these people to be marginalised in the first place? The solution to making marginalised people feel more comfortable in the public sphere is to propel them into to the public where they have to engage in discourse, not the opposite. Remaining comfortably marginalised only serves to reinforce the privilege of those in power.

Essentially, I think Boyd’s concept of privacy through obscurity is an excellent one, because it ensures a system where those who are most marginalised in a network are also the ones who are least scrutinized. In fact, I would go so far as to argue for a Right to Obscurity. The more isolated a person is within a network, the greater their right to remain private should be. This is why the rise of surveillance technologies and their adoption by secret services around the world post an extremely serious threat to those who are most vulnerable in society. It allows powerful, opaque and closed networks to reverse this process of privacy through obscurity and create a mechanism of public self-censorship (Foucault’s Panotopicism). Relevantly, networks like ASIO are already proposing large scale surveillance powers be handed to them. Senator Ludlam raises an inquiry as to why ASIO require such powers:



Heretofore (with possibly the exception of Castells), the social networking literature I have come across predominately analyses how networks form and function effectively. Christakis and Fowler in particular see social networks in a very positive light, and focus on the importance of becoming ‘connected’.

What I’d like to do here is to visit the views of a thinker who analyses how networks actively exclude and come undone. He takes a very different approach to understanding networks. I’ll allow my favourite rapper Robert Foster to lead us in before I take a deeper look into the theories of our guest thinker:





Julian Assange’s views borrow from recent work on network theory, emergent systems and work on self-synchronizing systems. He, however, for the purposes of his role, characterises networks – specifically closed networks that hold a certain level of power, as conspiracies.

He argues that individuals within a network are acting in concert, whether by plan or not, and the secrecy ensures that the benefits of the network accrue to those inside the network and not outside it. Here, we can see individual actors who exercise trust in their contacts with information that is valuable when it is withheld from the public. Assange ascribes the concept of ‘weight’ to an information flow; the more valuable the information flow between a dyad, the more ‘weight’ it can be considered to have. Assange explains:

“The ‘importance’ of communication passing through a link is difficult to evaluate apriori, since its true value depends on the outcome of the conspiracy. ...The weight of a link is proportional to the amount of important communication flowing across it.”

Furthermore, Assange characterises these closed networks as being able to outthink the same group of individuals acting alone – he characterises conspiracies as an entity with emergent properties (an argument which is also made by Christakis and Fowler).

In a certain sense closed networks are ubiquitous. The problem occurs when they become extremely powerful, because whatever the intentions of the individuals within the network, the network itself is optimized for its own success, and not for the benefit of those outside of the network. Given a networks position of power and privilege, it functions to the detriment of much more marginalised closed networks by virtue of its exclusionary nature. I alluded to the idea that people in Castells ‘fourth world’ could be characterised as a part of small, individuated social networks in an earlier post. These small isolated networks are disconnected from powerful conspiracies which work to exclude and keep such individuated social networks at bay, only interacting with them in a way that reinforces the network’s power and privilege.
Actors that don’t benefit their network partners in the network will eventually be expelled from the system as their network partners will minimize contact. Those collaborating with conspirators will form stronger ties and will benefit from the information that participation in the network delivers. This holds even at the edges of the network. Reporters with sources or contacts within a conspiracy (thus conspirators themselves) that violate the trust of their network partners will be cut off from the network and will thus not receive vital scoops to report on.

Assange outlines several ways of dismantling a conspiracy. 

·         Separating Weighted Conspiracies - Assange makes the rather intriguing point, that targeting the most influential conspirators (the most central) is ineffective. Rather, targeting the bridges of such conspiracies (a topological feature of a network where a few connections connect larger more centralised sections of a network) is much more effective as such a division significantly undermines the emergent cognitive faculties of a conspiracy.

·         Throttling Weighted Conspiracies – Throttling involves constricting the information flow high weight links bridging centralises parts of a conspiracy together.

·         Attacking Conspiratorial Cognitive Ability – this approach involves deceiving or blinding a conspiracy through distortion or restricting the information fed to it.


Assange in fact uses the connected graph models of mathematicians hired by the U.S. to look at terrorist conspiracies to inform a lot of his theory about how existing conspiracies are used to maintain authoritarian power structures. Of course, unlike targeted suicide bombings, or CIA drone strikes, Assange uses leaks as a means to dismantle dominant conspiracies. Interestingly, Wikileak’s means to attaining information from its source is done though an anonymous electronic drop box system, no doubt an important technical mechanism specifically designed to keep Wikileaks apart from the conspiracies with whose information they deal with. This is specifically why in terms of Journalism, the arrival of Wikileaks has been so revolutionary – Wikileaks as an editorial organisation can publish materials according to their own criteria with complete impartiality – a liberty that other journalistic organisations (who often conspire with powerful conspiracies for their sources) do not have.

I thought Assange was a particularly noteworthy thinker for analysing privacy/secrecy and its relation to power, not only because of the appropriateness of his theories, but also because his work with Wikileaks really does attest to the role that social networks have in instigating changes that ripple throughout the world and cause societal change.
I’d like to finish off this post with an additional video that examines the role of the internet in analysing the political agency of youth and how autocratic regimes are making use of the internet to serve their own ends. It is critical of the optimism commonly portrayed by technocratic internet activists:

 



References

Boyd, D. 2010, 'Making Sense of Privacy and Publicity', paper presented to the SXSW, Austin, Texas, March 13, 2010. http://www.danah.org/papers/talks/2010/SXSW2010.html

Assange, J. 2006, ‘Conspiracy as Governance’, Cryptome, 3 December, viewed 18 October 2012, <http://cryptome.org/0002/ja-conspiracies.pdf>